The results of parliamentary elections in the province of Buenos Aires could mark a turning point in Argentine politics, to the detriment of "La Libertad Avanza," the party structure of Argentine President Javier Milei.

Fuerza Patria, the Peronists, won comfortably with 47.07% versus 33.82% for La Libertad Avanza; this represents a provincial parliamentary majority, with 13 senators and 21 deputies. And this is happening not just anywhere, but in the territory that represents almost 40% of the entire country's voters.

Certainly, Peronism, in the case of Fuerza Patria, has always had control of this territory in the past, including the provincial government and most of the mayoralties, but it appears to have made further progress now, notable for example by winning in the so-called fourth electoral section, after 20 years without having achieved this, which includes 19 municipalities in the northern part of the province.

This convincing victory was preceded by positive results for the Peronist opposition in the provincial parliamentary elections in Córdoba and in the election of delegates to reform the provincial constitution in Santa Fe.

Regardless of the purposes of these electoral contests, Peronism won in these provinces where it had lost in the 2023 presidential elections, as well as in important places such as the provincial capital of Santa Fe. Both territories account for around 16% of the national electorate. That is, together with Buenos Aires, Peronists garner support in territories where approximately 56% of Argentines vote.

The issue is not limited to these provincial processes. In the balance of votes in Congress at the national or federal level, the sustained decline of Mileiism is also noticeable, often joined by the right-wing PRO party, led by former president Mauricio Macri, and factions of the historic Radical Civic Union.

Several dynamics interact in the Argentine Congress, where sometimes the results of what they agree on have little or less to do with the issue under debate, and more with the exchange of favors between the federal government and provincial governors, who make decisions behind the scenes, which are made by legislators selected and supported by their respective provinces. Under this logic, Milei had managed to impose decisions, despite not having a group of her own capable of securing any agreement.

But this, too, appears to be over. Just a few days before the vote in Buenos Aires, the Senate rejected the presidential veto of legislation that imposed support resources for people with disabilities. Previously, legislators had repealed five presidential decrees at other times, and, to make matters worse, due to its symbolic weight, they reactivated the investigative commission for the $Libra cryptocurrency case.

Regarding this cryptocurrency, the matter serves to understand the sinister side of La Libertad Avanza, which owes part of its popularity to Milei's incendiary rhetoric against the "caste," understood as the corrupt politicians who have bled the country dry; that is, precisely what Milei and company are.

The president, the visible head of this "caste," has racked up corruption scandals such as this multi-million dollar $Libra scam, which is even being heard in courts abroad, or the latest and most blatant one involving the president's sister and secretary general, Karina Milei, and other criminals close to the president, who organized a scheme to divert funds from none other than the National Agency for Disability (ANDIS), the same agency whose resources Congress is trying to save.

The "caste" itself, the real one, is also composed of and commanded, of course, by a rancid and unscrupulous oligarchy, who built a figure like Javier Milei to try to dismantle the welfare state promoted over the last 20 years by Kirchnerism, reducing the State to the management of a repressive force that guarantees its dismantling.

This oligarchy or "royal caste" is made up of a select and concentrated group of millionaire businessmen, who hope to further control sectors such as energy, steel, infrastructure and airports, technology, finance, pharmaceuticals, and the main media, among others. Most of them are closely associated with US and European transnationals, and some are even listed on the New York Stock Exchange.

What happened in Buenos Aires could be a preamble to the elections scheduled for the very near future, Sunday, October 26th, when the national legislative elections will be held, key to defining the balance of power in Congress. Milei certainly hopes to win a majority, which he failed to obtain in the presidential elections, when a portion of that legislature was also elected, and which, as we can see, is behaving increasingly elusively.

Milei's popularity is also declining, dropping from over 60% in January 2025 to around 39% in August, a decline that can even be seen in the parallel universe of social media, where the occupant of the Casa Rosada is losing most of his presidential term and had a significant amount of support in his favor.

As expected, Milei is the president who, in the shortest period of time, has imposed widely unpopular measures, not only in their content, which would be sufficient, but also in the way he communicated them with hyper-aggressive rhetoric, vulgarly and disqualifying his opponents, an example of when discourtesy does indeed reveal a lack of courage.

The foreign policy of the current Argentine government deserves a separate analysis because it has less weight on the electoral will of the Argentine people. But it’s useful to establish his shamefully subordinate nature to the US, which includes support for the Zionist genocide in Gaza or the worst causes in Our America.

In any case, what happened in Buenos Aires on September 7 is one more step in what many expect to happen in Argentina: the cornering or political weakening of one of that country's worst leaders, paving the way for his departure from office, either through elections or a popular uprising, as happened with Fernando De La Rúa 24 years ago.

Predicting what will happen in this southern country, so close to Cuba, is a very complicated task. As we know, it's not enough for Milei to work for her own defeat; those calling for that outcome must know how to overcome it; but that part of the story will have to be asked of good Argentines, those who believe that only unity can move mountains.

Translated by Amilkal Labañino / CubaSí Translation Staff