Dina: NO to the People, YES to the Empire

Dina: NO to the People, YES to the Empire
Fecha de publicación: 
1 May 2023
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The political and social crisis in Peru continues to deepen with a mandate imposed and sustained so far by the local oligarchy and imperialism, with a discredited Congress controlled by the right-wing, reluctant to advance elections that would make it disappear, in order to keep its term until 2026.

The rejection of interim president Dina Boluarte by nearly 80% of Peruvians and the violent repression of popular demonstrations against her does not matter, because the majority media justify even the virtual execution of its participants, the majority indigenous, who demand her resignation, the dissolution of Congress, new elections and a Constitution to replace the one imposed by Alberto Fujimori.

Boluarte once said that she was a woman of the left, she joined a party with a Marxist ideology and rose to the vice presidency of the nation, from which she conspired and betrayed the legitimate president, Pedro Castillo, sanctifying his unfair incarceration, all the dealings of Attorney General Patricia Montesinos and allying herself with the far-right Keiko Fujimori, of whom she had said two years before that she was going to be locked up for her various crimes of corruption.

I don't know how long the far-right's support for her interim governance will last, and if this is motivated by other power seekers, who, without ceasing to be in the ranks of the reaction, oppose Keiko and even more so now when Boluarte is supporting everything she ask for.

It’s so, that the media, not at all suspected of being progressive, headlined dispatches with this assertion: "Dina Baluarte bows her head to Keiko Fujimori after the raid on Joaquín Ramírez", a mafia boss disguised as a mayor who has supported businesses and financially supported Keiko.

The Fujimori party Fuerza Popular had demanded from the president that her ministers not testify on the case of Joaquín Ramírez and that they avoid holding press conferences on this subject, which places the daughter of the former dictator Alberto Fujimori as a key piece of the arm politician of the Ramírez clan.

NO "MONKEY BUSINESS"

Just as the criminals of Batista era in Cuba alleged that the accusations of their crimes were part of a scam against them, so Joaquín Ramírez justified what’s happening to him, and pointed to certain right-wing characters who were opposed to Fujimori’s followers and who they envy her political power and “well-gotten” wealth.

In this context, the Minister of Interior, Vicente Romero, pointed out —at a press conference, after an operation in which 214 properties linked to Ramírez were seized— that it was the second “biggest case of money laundering” in Peru after the Orellana case.

After the Orellana case, this is the largest in Peru in terms of money laundering. More than 1 billion dollars will be seized in an average of 295 assets, buildings, vehicles, aircraft, simulators, and real estate. This gives us an understanding of the dimension of how money is hidden through money laundering,” he stated.

According to the prosecutor's thesis, after the preliminary investigation initiated against Joaquín Ramírez in 2019, the current mayor of Cajamarca is attributed the crime of money laundering for having participated in the illicit financing of Keiko Fujimori's presidential campaign, when he was the Secretary General of Fuerza Popular. This irregular movement of money was carried out to the detriment of the Universidad Alas Peruanas (UAP) and the State.

The Public Ministry exposed that, during Ramírez's period at the head of the Alas Peruanas University, simulated million-dollar contracts were made through front companies for the acquisition and resale of real estate, in addition to other businesses, with the purpose of transferring funds to the campaign of President Keiko Fujimori.

According to the structure of the criminal organization dedicated to the alleged commission of the crime of money laundering, the political wing would be made up of the leader of Fuerza Popular, Keiko Fujimori, and Piar Figara, former adviser to the daughter of Alberto Fujimori. Their function would have been to capture illicit funds to obtain political power and, with this, shield the criminal organization.

WILL THEY STILL PROTECT HER?

For Keiko, currently being investigated for the Cócteles case ―on laundering for illegal contributions in the 2011 and 2016 campaigns ―, it’s the second framework in which the Prosecutor's Office involves her.

That she is finally blamed effectively remains a doubt for many, when she now has the favor of a president who even tries to approve an amnesty for her father.

He is temporarily at home due to his health, and must continue serving his 25-year sentence in the Barbadillo prison, where former President Pedro Castillo is being held unjustly and now another former president has just arrived, Alejandro Toledo, extradited from United States, in order to make him answer on charges of corruption, of which, so far, there’s no convincing evidence.

In turn, Fujimori was convicted, among other crimes, for the killing of civilians during the fight against the guerrillas, although not for having sterilized more than 3,000 indigenous women without consultation.

Translated by Amilkal Labañino / CubaSí Translation Staff

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