Elon Musk and Donald Trump have just broken their political alliance. This means that in just four months, the conservative government proposal that emerged amid the rise of Magoism has collapsed. This administration's conception of power had two visible leaders. Musk was the powerhouse who united Fourth Industrial Revolution technology with neocolonial plans, even extending to Mars; Trump was the man who was going to carry forward the much-discussed national protectionism that, according to them, should lead to an economic resurgence of the United States.

The reality has been very different and has to do with the unfeasibility of methods to rebuild the fabric of American power, both internally and externally. The replacement of the economy of one superpower by another has occurred gradually and in a structured manner, so rewinding history was not a matter of immediate policy. The messianicism of the Trump-mongers led them to believe that a man who was supposedly a successful businessman would design a government removed from gender politics and rhetoric to lead the country back to the prosperity of thirty or forty years ago.

That didn't happen not only because of the inadequacy of Trump's measures, but because it's impossible from the standpoint of geopolitical realism. The world has changed, and we can't do without an international trade structure that operates from already interlocking sectors. Pretending that the United States would overnight become the global export center again, and not just a market with advantages, was childish, typical of masses dazed by an irrational, manipulative proposal.

Beyond the social media scandal and the egos that have begun to clash, what must be taken into account in any serious analysis is that both Musk and Trump represent the same power project. There are no essential differences, only that such a thing is contradictory in its viability. The class interest in restoring the empire is at odds with the existential conflict of the American nation-state itself and places the ideological foundations that underlie liberalism and republicanism in crisis. Vance has said it: we are in a post-liberal era, and this means that there are forms of government that were previously respected but are no longer considered, because in crises, essence prevails. This is where the oligarchy's self-preservation interests emerge.

So what explains this clash between peers of the same class? Economic interests. Trump's tariff policy has not only been clumsy and irrational, but it’s also beginning to affect significant profits at the corporate level. Faced with this, the executive branch's response to business leaders is that they should bear the cost of price increases in wholesale trade without burdening retail customers. In other words, Trump is asking capitalists to sacrifice themselves in his name and not pass the crisis on to the voters so he can continue governing. A project based not on class interests, but on the megalomania of a person who doesn't understand a basic foundation of American politics: never govern without the oligarchy or against it. The visible head of this extralegal power was Musk, and while he was there, all the sectors that once supported Trump's return from the corporate core were represented.

The clash may deepen to the point of giving way to a third party. In fact, the Republican Party is an organization that, after Trump, will almost have to refound itself because it has internally destroyed itself as a space of power. Likewise, the Democrats, with their gender, racial, and segmentation-based approach, have become functional only to an elitist portion of the American liberal class. Therefore, these divisions among the powerful express the political crisis of a nation that’s rapidly losing its status as a global empire and cannot find an internal entity that supports an alternative.

Musk's moving adrift is not against the MAGA project, but rather seeks to reaffirm the class interests that Trump's irrationality has betrayed, as he is more a matter of an unfocused and demented ego than a head of state. Power, in its essence, possesses a growing rationality that does not proceed through the exclusive and unstructured use of force, but rather requires policies that give the project an advantage and place it in a situation of prosperity. This is what has been missing in four months of government: the answers to the ambitions of the national oligarchy, which is betting on a power style closer to its essence and detached from the formalities of liberal democrats. They have placed at the center a human being whose sole energy is dedicated to honoring his name, even if that means lying about the real failure of his promises and his scheming. In this fundamentalist political movement, those who do not join, especially congressmen and governors, are left out of the loop and become vulnerable to the all-powerful presidential power. This is a point worth considering to understand why the political class is doing nothing to stop the disaster before it escalates.

What’s the attitude for this clash between conservatives? There’s a technocratic faction of power linked to new technologies that knows that the future of politics is social control through these tools. Little by little, this century has seen the traditional ways of the modern state decline, and post-liberalism marks a transition from the notion of bourgeois consensus to the imposition of a more totalitarian agenda. Musk is on that path, and in fact, his Mars project is a kind of extension of the Monroe Doctrine and the white man's manifest impulse to colonially reach the frontiers of the universe. It's paradoxical that this is happening at the very moment the United States has shown not having the necessary foresight to achieve this. China is constantly lecturing the American corporate class on how to accumulate power, and this drives the American corporate class, which in its pride has lost its way, to despair. The essence of the relationship between Musk and Trump lies with the former, since the latter is merely the ego necessary to find a messiah for the masses. The president's functionality is in place as a card in the liberal game of elections, but that's of no interest to an oligarchic class whose post-liberal project is to sweep away such freedoms and guarantees from the system. The murmur of re-electing Trump to a third term reeks of what it is: disregarding democracy. We already know what comes after that.

The world doesn't have to bear the burden of the crisis of the American elite. This is not the existential drama of a humanity that has more vital issues to resolve. Furthermore, the global power transition finds its justification in power itself; it requires no other sanctioning mechanisms. The scenario will worsen as more resistance is applied.

Musk has the possibility of playing his cards outside the power of the state and jeopardizing the continuity of the president. Despite what’s thought, a logic is prevailing here that goes beyond the ego of the person holding the executive office. The class that empowers the beast is not bridling it sufficiently, and we already know how that ends from other previous cases of presidents who lost their lives. This scenario, expected by many, is being portrayed as a personal struggle, but in reality, the president's aim is being corrected. The second option of the Maguism, Vance, with his thesis on post-liberalism, may be politically correct in the eyes of the oligarchy. The commitment to restoring the United States is above Trump's testosterone ego.

The clash, predictably, has two evolutions: the split weakens the government and creates an opposition tendency within the Magu faction, or, as a second option, they reconcile and corporate interests are protected from the wave of tariffs. Both depend on the repeal of chaotic thoughts and actions within the government administration. Trump is going nowhere, as his priorities are more focused on the image of personal power than on real conflict resolution.

When years pass and this section of power is analyzed in history, the personal factor will have to be considered one of the driving forces that led the United States to an existential crisis, but it’s known that the power structure is corroded and can no longer support the project. It seems that all the supposed expansion argued at the beginning of this term was part of empty rhetoric aimed at the masses to maintain the illusion that they were part of a still unchallenged empire. Political reality, with its immense pragmatism, is taking over, and this could generate a popularity crisis for Trump. This problem will not be easily resolved and may lead, at the level of the president's discourse, to the discovery of domestic and external enemies on whom to shift the blame for the decline in domestic management and administration.

Musk, on the other hand, represents the pragmatism of power that was cutting social spending and establishing a logic of post-liberal construction in which a large mass of people are excluded. The elitism of the bourgeoisie in its splendor was the basis of Magoism and remains so despite these domestic clashes. Except that this far-right populism requires the lumpen proletariat to survive, hence the urgency of irrational narratives, stories, and discursive metaphors that, although they have a short life at the level of state policy, have borne fruit by generating hatred, separation, divisionism, and demobilization.

Indeed, when conducting an objective analysis of the fall of this empire, we must consider culture and the media as two dimensions that, while contributing to the preservation of power, also erode it and have created dynamics that compromise the governed's trust in their institutions. The post-liberal order is the one that places in the position of president a subject who is the antithesis of what the system had formally sustained. All this can only happen within a logic of power where anything goes and that is capable of going against itself.

Perhaps the time is coming when the oligarchic class regrets Trump? The truth is that solutions at this point don't seem easy. The Jeffrey Epstein scandal is being revived, and this is a weapon that demonstrates how the bourgeoisie manipulates even morality in terms of narratives of power. These weapons can effectively compromise the trustworthiness of an entire sector in power and give rise to seismic shifts in society.

When Obama came to power and all the hype surrounding the African American issue was created, something called the Tea Party emerged with force, a group that wasn't going to take power, that would never win an election. This ultra-right party operated beyond that: its objective was to revive an ideology in a segment of the population. Although it presented itself as a third option, separate from the Deep State, its functionality was linked to supporting an exclusionary discourse. That erosion was effective, and from it emerged the groups that are now known as the Altright (alternative right). What we can expect from Musk's party is something similar. The game with culture and segmentation has worked so far. In this case, we must wait for the analytical matrices to come in and render a verdict.

Musk may be playing the outsider. But he is, in essence, an insider. If an impeachment trial against Trump and a removal from office were to occur tomorrow, it would mean that the forces moving behind the power structure have found no other way to carry out the restoration plan. But this is by no means the story of a conservative revolution the media has tried to sell.

Translated by Amilkal Labañino / CubaSi Translation Staff