The extraordinary and growing rejection of "King" Trump, according to the sentiments of some 7 million protesters, mobilized in 2,700 cities, across all 50 states, practically the entire United States.

The renowned Prussian-era thinker, Carl von Clausewitz, left behind an iconic concept about war for posterity, stating that it was nothing more than a continuation of politics by other means. In other words, a fractured domestic policy hinders and seriously jeopardizes the most elaborate war plans.

More or less, with its nuances, this is what’s happening right now in Washington. And this is precisely what generates the perception that Mr. Rubio's goals of welcoming Christmas with Venezuela at his feet seem to be fading as the hours, or rather, minutes, pass.

Of course, victory can't be declared just yet. No one could sensibly deny the tremendous dangers the Venezuelan nation continues to face. It’s well known that when things get tough at home, US governments tend to create their own smokescreens with some "feat" abroad.

In that sense, the high financial costs, some $60 million a day, also create pressure to do something on Venezuelan soil to justify them. It could at least be a tactical strike, bombing something, assassinating someone, which, while it wouldn't achieve the ultimate goal of "regime change," would improve the image of the Pentagon and Chief Trump. They did what they could, they would say under their breath, without acknowledging the monumental fiasco.

But, unlike weeks ago, today it’s easy to see that the internal situation has rapidly become more complicated, apropos of the aforementioned Carl von Clausewits's reflection.

First, the extraordinary and growing rejection of "King" Trump, according to some 7 million protesters, mobilized in 2,700 cities, across all 50 states, practically the entire US. It’s claimed to be the most massive civic mobilization in the country's history.

As a culmination, prior to this convincing episode, a survey by the renowned AP/NORC polling firm, comprised of the press agency of the same name and NORC, based at the University of Chicago, shows that Trump currently garners only 37% support, compared to 61% rejection.

But let's look at the mood in the palace of power. In Congress, discontent is growing among legislators, both Democrats and Republicans, who openly reject an adventure against Venezuela or demand prior congressional approval.

Some senators, rightly angry, are demanding evidence linking the crew members of the sunken boats to drug trafficking, at least to name those killed. They insist on the tremendous violations the administration is committing, responding only to a deafening silence.

However, the main argument for questioning the attack against Venezuelans comes from a look at the military high command, those who do the dirty work and provide the deaths.

The best proof of this: the departure of Admiral Alvin Holsey, head of the Southern Command, one year into his tenure, well before completing the required four years. This means the departure of the main commander of the operation in the Caribbean, with whom the matter was discussed and who was asked for "technical" criteria on how to attack Caracas.

This event, presented as a resignation, has special significance even though Holsey is another of the senior officers retiring, or rather, stepping down, in the current administration. In this regard, we must recall the disastrous meeting with the generals on September 30th, where Secretary of War Pete Hegseth, through his words, hinted that he wants neither women nor African Americans in the top ranks.

And why is Holsey resigning? The answer is even more conclusive. The admiral does not agree with this type of operation, which consists of murdering fishermen and crew members of alleged drug boats.

To top it all off, they riddled some humble fishermen from Trinidad and Tobago with missiles, curiously citizens of a country whose government has shown its willingness to aid the invaders.

Speculation is common surrounding the admiral's stampede, which also contributes to the internal confusion. Some "experts" even claim that Holsey wasn't in charge of the operations against the drug boats, but that they were carried out by "special operations forces" separate from Southern Command; incredible. In any case, what they can't deny is that the expeditionary group is facing a storm in its chain of command, and not exactly a climatic one.

In this context, a gap is compounded in the media landscape. All journalists accredited to the Pentagon are protesting the rules. The president, who had been ordered by the arbitrary measures imposed by Hegseth, decided to leave the press room of this Secretary of War, an unprecedented and unexpected event. And without journalists, the war reality show also runs the risk of disintegrating.

Added to this is Chief Trump's confession, that he has ordered the CIA to implement covert operations in Venezuelan territory. This type of action is certainly nothing new; it’s known that the Bolivarian Revolution has always had to confront them. What is incredible now is that no head of state had ever thought of making such plans public. No leader, neither in the US nor in the rest of the world.

This latest example of Trump's verbal incontinence is a colossal mistake because it puts his undercover agents, now exposed, at risk. He intends to instill fear, to threaten, but with something that is already known, and for which the Chavistas have given convincing proof of knowing how to successfully confront.

And the paralysis of the federal government continues to spread, approaching a historic record of 35 days during Trump's first term. It’s estimated that in just one week, the cost amounts to some $7 billion, with obvious socioeconomic and political consequences, affecting millions of people. Meanwhile, Democrats and Republicans share blame, amid the start of the election campaign, which ends in November 2026.

As things stand, Trump is facing a perfect storm. Unforeseen disruptions in the military high command, worsened by the departure of the person in charge of leading the aggression against Venezuela, financial problems due to the government shutdown, and a lack of consensus in the highest spheres of politics, especially at the lowest, among the masses who reject the installation of a new 2.0 reign—that is, against a government that practices unrestrained presidential unpredictability, accompanied by the most absolute mediocrity of its secretaries and ministers.

For its part, the international anti-Venezuelan front is experiencing its own debacle. Isolating the Bolivarian Revolution has been an obsession of US administrations, and with Mr. Rubio, they have established the narrative that Bolivarians not only violate human rights, but are also drug traffickers and even narco-terrorists. And the central argument: they are therefore a threat to US security.

But the combination of sinking vessels in international waters, as part of an extrajudicial killing, and the inability to show a single piece of evidence for the accusations leveled, has thrown Mr. Rubio's entire scheme into disarray. He, before the microphones, despises the UN and reminds us that they seek peace through force.

This absurdity ultimately mobilizes those around the world with some level of dignity, and above all, courage, to oppose the US government.

Thus, statements rejecting any military coup against Venezuela pile up, from ALBA-TCP, the Non-Aligned Movement, CELAC, or the BRIC countries, with Russia and China playing a significant role.

Also resonating for their arguments and courage are the expressions of leaders such as those of Brazil and Mexico, and especially the straightforward attitude of Petro, who has already earned the verbal scorn of the US president, who resorted to his arsenal of threats, slander, and sanctions to silence him.

At the same time, those governments in Our America, more inclined to support the State Department's arguments, are facing their own paralyzing political crises, with an uncertain outcome.

Of particular importance is the meeting of Heads of Government of the Caribbean Community (CARICOM), where they approved reaffirming the principle of maintaining the Caribbean Region as a zone of peace. Also very subjective is the silence of the European Union, with a well-known history of questioning the Bolivarians. All of which suggests that in this matter, it is Mr. Rubio and his government who are moving toward isolation.

The invading ships and planes, which left their bases in the hot month of August, may turn back, while the expeditionaries clamor for back pay and their high-ranking officers are probably ashamed of ordering the annihilation of defenseless people.

This last issue must be reiterated again and again, tirelessly, appealing to whatever decorum remains in humanity.